I picked up a Yoruba Crown recently and let me just say that with space and money at a premium it was not the easiest of buys. On the plus side I was totally and utterly shocked at the size and the more than pleasant burst of colors that present.
Yoruba Crown
The piece requires a lot of work, talent and time. It’s never good when labor intensive items can be had for relatively cheap prices but I remain more than happy with the purchase.
Here are two great articles on beading and its relation to Yoruba culture.
Beads, Body, and Soul Art and Light in the Yoruba Universe Drewal, Henry J., Mason, John
Excerpt:
“Coloring and covering the body in beads is healing and empowering. Colorful beads are ‘medicines’ that act upon worldly and other worldly forces (Keyes 1994). Thus, for example, to wear pupa (hot/red) and funfun (cool/white) kale (neck beads) is to proclaim both the retributive and the healing, enabling presence of the thundergod, Sango.”
The Sign of the Divine King An essay on Yoruba Bead-Embroidered Crowns with Veil and Bird Decorations Thompson, Robert F.
Excerpt :
“The gods of the Yoruba long ago chose beaded strands as emblems. The fact that the crowns are embellished with bead embroidery immediately suggests godhead. Indeed the prerogative of beaded objects is restricted to those who represent the gods, kings and priests; and those whom the gods communicate, kings, priests, diviners, and native doctors.”
The following are several interesting papers on Egungun.
The first paper [Wolff] shows the variation in the crests, ranging from a tableau setting (with several figures), to other typical representations related to the hunter lineage (a stylized male head with a distinctive hairstyle where the plaits terminate in a bun to the left side of the head to mimic the larger than ordinary caps typically worn by hunters) or the Egungun erin (typified by the ere, or wooden crest mask, in the shape of a head with a human face and huge upstanding ears that allow it to tower high above the heads of the crowd).
“Egungun masqueraders do not appear only in the context of funerals. Dressed in enveloping costumes of cloth, members of the Egungun society represent the corporate spirit of the Yoruba dead and appear in a number of ritual and public contexts throughout the year. They appear individually at times of family and community rejoicing or crisis and as a group at annual festivals held in honor of community ancestors. Despite modernizing influences and religious change, Egungun masqueraders, as physical manifestations of “Yoruba power,” continue to appear in the teeming streets of modern Lagos, in the large indigenous centers of Ibadan, Oshogbo, Ono, Florin, Ife, Owo, and Abeokuta, as well as in the villages and small rural hamlets throughout Yorubaland.
Front View of typical ‘Erin’ head crest
Rear view of ‘Erin’ head crest with Chameleon.
In any particular locality, Egungun masqueraders come in many forms or generic types, which are emically labeled. Generic type differences are displayed in the formal attributes of carved crest mask (if present), the cut of the costume, the kind, color, and condition of the cloth used, iconographic details in additive elements such as embroidery and appliqué and in the accessories attached to or carried by the masquerader and his attendants.
ADEYEMO, PETER ADEWOLE, PH.D. AND OBADOFIN, SAMUEL BAMIDELE
Introduction:
In the Yoruba’s philosophy about death, it is believed that when a person dies, such becomes a divinity to be worshipped on bent knees. This idea then becomes a significant premise on which the Yoruba’s belief in ancestral worship is anchored. Beier in Adegbola (1998), further affirms the Yoruba’s belief in ‘spiritism.’ Hence, the worship of the ancestors is based on a firm belief that the ‘spirit’ of a human being never dies but continues to influence the life of the community from another sphere, after it has left the physical body. One of the unique ways through which the ancestors are believed to communicate with the living, therefore, is their manifestation on earth in the form of costumed figures, known as Egungun (masquerades) in the Yoruba language.
The Yoruba people of South-West Nigeria believe in re-incarnation. In fact, the whole concept of transcendental existence is primal to Yoruba life. Human beings live and die repeatedly until they have attained a certain level of spiritual growth; they then graduate to either becoming a god or an ancestor, depending on their achievements while in the world. The ancestors, with the gods, function to aid people at transition points in life and after life, particularly in crossing the gulf which separates the living from the ancestors, the space Wole Soyinka calls the fourth stage (Soyinka 1976). These ancestors are however not worshipped like gods and other deities but revered and venerated. The most popular instance of this veneration is in the Egungun1 cult.
In the world of African Tribal Art the ‘Eye’ is quite the Holy Grail of collecting. It is not driven by opinion, the majority, price nor person…. and it gets worse (it may be specific to a particular corpus or tribe). Contradictorily, the esthetics of a piece will only go so far since one has to consider age, material, function, associated tribal history, patina and rarity of the piece. Here are a few pointers that may save some time and money.
Keita Ikenga : It took about 5 years to land this piece.
Research :
a) Familiarize yourself with prices, pieces and tribes that perk your interest. This can be done through books, the internet, museums and auction previews. I can guarantee the process is more ‘nuture’ than ‘natural’.
b) Use available technology to your advantage.
c) Be patient. There are a lot of wonderful pieces out there and older collections are always coming to market.
Make it make sense :
a) Face and helmet masks should fit…. even if the piece was made for collecting a master carver would still extend some expertise to the product. There is nothing as disappointing as a helmet mask with an 8 inch circumference or a face mask incorrectly positioned eye slits.
b) All pieces don’t need to have an old patina (dried blood/feathers), caked dirt, cracks and scrapes.
Find reputable Dealers and Collectors :
This is actually a good way to save time and money. Conversing and exchanging experiences really helps in understanding and developing perspectives.
Develop your Senses :
a) Older pieces of wood will lose their scent, crack, and incur wear at specific areas. Some pieces are made with special and sometimes specific wood types. Inspect pieces for abnormal wear patterns in areas that may not necessarily be subject to distress.
b) Trust what truly moves you…. those pieces are the ones which will stand the vagaries of time. You have to be confident in your selections… (regardless of the provenance).
Have fun :
At the end of the day collecting African Tribal Art is a passion. There is nothing like sourcing, tracking, and closing on a piece that you appreciate for its beauty, authenticity, functionality and craftsmanship!
“The Vlaminck-Périnet Fang head is sculpted in a magnificent, finely-grained wood closely related to ebony (a type of wood mentioned by Fernand Grébert in 1915 with the passage “the Byeri is in the box, while the bust is an ebony ornament.”) Beneath its large ovoid forehead appears a long, beautiful, heart-shaped face. Its outline can be traced from the brow ridge to the corners of its lips. The fusion of this design with a curve along the upper edge of each eyelid, which reaches to the nose outline, is the signature mark of a master sculptor who also crafted one of the major pieces of the Helena Rubinstein collection. Its half-closed almond-shaped eyes gaze out serenely. On the lips, traces of medicinal residue are still visible. A trefoil headdress adorns the back of the skull, of which the occipital area bears the marks of a ceremonial or warrior ritual. Its soft, deep black patina lends it the appearance of warm, living skin.
[…] Cephalomorphic reliquary figures are remarkably rare. They were exclusively sculpted by the Fang-Betsi of the Ogooué Valley, who also carved anatomically complete statuettes. Among all the Fang works that have been recovered, the Vlaminck-Périnet head stands out as the majestic work of a sculptor at the pinnacle of his art. Perched at the top of a long, cylindrical neck, the image emerges, calm and tranquil, from the tormented world of the ancestors, like an impassive queen who creates an impression of grandeur and immobility, wrote Vlaminck perhaps dreaming of her.” [Christie’s]
MASQUE LUBA – RÉPUBLIQUE DÉMOCRATIQUE DU CONGO Price realised EUR 7,224,500 Estimate EUR 1,500,000 – EUR 2,000,000 [Christie’s]
Lot excerpt [Christie’s]
“According to the classification of Dr Julien Volper, this masterpiece of Luba art belongs to the category of “beast-men” of which fewer than ten examples have been recovered. Several theories clash over their enigmatic function.
Certain masks with painted faces could have played a role in men’s initiatory rituals. Indeed, the Luba-Samba held mukanda initiation ceremonies involving various protagonists. One of them, the kimungu, with red-and-white rings around the eyes, could sometimes wear a mask.
[…] Julien Volper prefers to place these masks in the ritual context of the mbudye fraternity, which can be considered the guardian of memory and traditions. Indeed, thanks to ancient photos taken in the field, he has been able to establish disconcerting similarities between the facial painting worn by members of the mbudye society (also called mbulye or mbuli) and the chiselled designs visible on the surface of the mask from the Périnet collection, as well as on an analogous example that belonged to the former Africana Museum of Johannesburg.” [Christie’s]
“Between the 15th and 17th centuries, the Baga peoples fled their native land, Fouta Djallon, to escape the repeated invasions of the Islamic Peuls. They settled in scattered groups along the northern coast of Guinea, from the current-day region of Conakry to Rio Componi on the border of Guinea-Bissau. Their oral traditions still bear the traces of that great migration and the way they were forced to reinvent their community structure and indeed their entire culture1.
Once they arrived in the new territories, the Baga established the rules of a new society and sought refuge in a guardian figure: the image of a nurturing mother filled with generosity and compassion who provides fertility and life. To honor her, the sculptors of the groups settled in the central northern area of the country2 invented the most spectacular allegoric mask of all Western Africa, which is now widely known as Nimba3. Its revolutionary plastic design and extraordinary proportions quickly made this mask an icon of the Guinean culture and of all the arts of sub-Saharan Africa. While its first publication dates back to 18864, Nimba still appears today on postal stamps and bank notes, and a national sports trophy bears its name.
The Guinean invention was also a determining one for the adventure of Western modern art. According to William Rubin, Picasso’s purchase of a Nimba during the 1920s inspired his execution of a series of portraits of Marie-Thérèse Walter5.
Mingling agronomy with magico-religious obstetrics, the great Nimba mask was used in agrarian ceremonies, and brought fertility to both the earth and women’s wombs. It also participated in certain initiatory rites, weddings and funerals. Accompanying the Baga at each major turning point of their lives, Nimba is the emanation of a benevolent spirit able to control the forces of fertility and growth. Its dance, accompanied by chanting and drumming, was considered the most beautiful of all spectacles.” [Christie’s]
“[…] At a time when he was not yet a collector of African art, Michel Périnet was in awe at the sight of a very strange mask. All he knew about it was that it had belonged to the collection of the fashion designer Doucet. The name alone, synonymous with good taste, was enough to convince him of its worth. The work combined an exquisite sensibility with a stylisation and geometric rigour reminescent of Art Deco. Moreover, it was perfectly mounted1. In a word, the piece pleased him as a whole, and it spurred the adventure that led to the exceptional collection which is being brought to auction today.
The Périnet mask has a helmet-shaped structure. It has a round, full, almost moon-shaped face and a surface that undulates slightly to express the shapes of the forehead and maxilla. It is topped with a sizeable, elegantly streamlined sagittal crest with a tip stretching to the root of the nose, from which spring immense palm-shaped eyebrows. His eyes are huge because he sees all!2The mouth appears closed, a simple slit. But who recites these strange litanies; who emits these disturbing noises?3 While the crest evokes the male gorilla skull, the polychrome decoration informs us of the duality of its concept. The white colour applied to its right side indicates its belonging to the world of the hereafter and the ancestors, while the red of its right side symbolises birth, initiation and life. Pleasant stippled scarification rows adorn the entire surface, although they disappear here and there under the kaolin.
In Kota culture, emboli masks were not displayed on pedestals by Kichizô Inagaki; they were secretly stored in woodland shelters far from the villages. Since such masks evoke a very powerful forest spirit, that of the gorilla, they were used in satsi ceremonies for the initiation of young men, and particularly for circumcision rites. It is also said that on some occasions they were used to combat witchcraft.” [Christie’s]
“There are very few masks attributed to the Ngil society. Only some fifteen high-quality examples are known. This is one of the finest: its patina and shape are superb, the details are sculpted with refinement – particularly the ears, mouth and eyes -, and the heart-shaped design edged by the large eyebrow ridges, as well as the contour of the face, are perfect archetypes of the style.
In the essay written by Louis Perrois for the Guerre auction, L’art gabonais dans la collection Guerre, the author describes the Ngil mask in the following terms: “The white Ngil mask is of an exceptional quality among its main attributes are: the purity of its curved shapes; the fullness of its convex (forehead) and concave areas (eye sockets and face); the contrasting junction of the eyebrows, elongated nose and mouth; and its minimal colours.”
We know very little about the ceremonies for which such masks might have been used. Such a rare revelation was feared by the uninitiated as well as even the most knowledgeable initiates of the secret Ngil society, a legal and police fraternity and therefore a very repressive one (Perrois, L., Arts du Gabon. Les Arts Plastiques du Bassin de l’Ogooué, Arnouville, 1979, p. 92). In his time, Günther Tessmann (Die Pangwe, Berlin, 1913) described a number of Fang rituals, but did not mention the presence of masks. That confirms thatNgil were very rarely exhibited, and certainly not shown to foreigners. […] The Ngil religion appears to have disappeared very early […] and the rites were no longer practised by 1930.
The identity of the former owner of this major work deserves a few remarks: this mask is certainly one of the very first African objects to join the Leonce and Pierre Guerre collection. Pierre Guerre (1910-1978) was a remarkable man. Barrister, writer, literary critic, journalist and playwright, he was also an active Resistance fighter during the German occupation. In 1945, he joined the editorial committee for the Cahiers du Sudreview. Pierre Guerre was a great intellectual and a very close friend of the poet Saint-John Perse. He was passionate about African art, and often praised it in his writing and in the many lectures that he gave on African culture. Thus he always generously loaned his most beautiful objects to great exhibitions. For example, in 1935, he entrusted nine pieces of his collection to the historical African Negro Art exhibition in New York City. To Pierre Guerre, art was meant to be shown and shared: he was a cultivated gentleman of his time.” [Christie’s]
“The animal illustrated here is probably the most enigmatic figure of the Senufo pantheon. It goes by the name of porpianong, which mothered the child Poro, the initiative society which regulates the events that mark the people’s lives from their earliest age. Father Convers, a missionary who was present in Korhogo in the immediate post-war period, compared this fantastic creature to Rabelais’ imaginary combination of a rooster, a stork and a crane.
The curved casque, long beak and outspread wings of the bird, however, led the first European observers to compare it to a hornbill, and more specifically the Abyssinian ground hornbill. With the crocodile, snake and turtle, this bird was among the primordial mythological animals common to a whole region bordering Mali, Ivory Coast, and Burkina Faso. Some of the legends have it that it was man’s first food, while others – like Bohumil Holas’ mention of a “fertilising bird” – consider it a symbol of fecundity that certain peoples attribute to the protuberance on the head, similar to that of the Malagasy knob-billed duck. As such, the “sétien” (séjen) – another, more general local term for the hornbill – adorns granary doors, mural frescoes, and the tops of masks. This symbol always includes a very prominent abdomen, in tribute to the “pregnant woman”, grazed by the slender, arched, oversized beak, a mark of triumphant virility.
In the absence of ancient relations, and considering the contradictory opinions of more recent analysts, only a few elements can provide clues to its role. The base – in some cases hollowed out into a cap shape -, the presence of holes, and sometimes even fabric remaining around its edge could indicate that they were worn atop the head of dancers for spectacular parades. The square or triangle openings in the middle of the wings corroborate this hypothesis since, according to the anthropologist Till Förster, they were used by the performers’ partners who would insert “solid wooden poles […] to make it easier to leverage the sculpture.”3The patina enriching the edge of this sculpture points to frequent handling which left as deep a mark on this hard wood as the déblé pillars on the places they were grasped as they hit the ground to the rhythm of the drums at funerals. As for the beak, of which the ridge is enhanced with a thick glaze, it must have constituted an effective talisman that attracted frequent strokes, as is the case for other famous fetishes in faraway lands.
The largest of these porpianong, of which the pedestal-shaped base attests to a more sedentary existence, probably acts as a protective guardian. These works joined the display cases of Swiss and American museums, including one find purchased in 1956 by the Museum Rietberg of Zurich dated earlier than 1880.“
“The master sculptor of this remarkable statue is distinctive for two stylistic characteristics: the rendering of the arms, which lead under the navel, draw the eye behind the backbone and then back up to the top of the bust; and the surprising stylisation of the head in a truncated pyramid shape, the eyes sunken into a sort of helmet headdress from which a long pointed nose emerges. The eyes are positioned in a very curious way on the internal surface of the helmet, cancelling out any demarcation between the face and the helmet.
In my study on Mumuye statues, I included this statue in what I called the “squat” style. The style, which includes some twenty statues of a total of 140 listed sculptures, is characterised by a specific three-to-one ratio between the height of the torso and that of the legs. This style is clearly the most iconic, classical canon in terms of the history of the art of classic Greek statues circa 480-430 B.C. during the golden age of the sculptors Phidias and Polykleitos.
Of course, Polykleitos remains memorable as a pioneer defender of the principle of symmetry, the “commensurability of all the parts to one another” in art. Like the Mumuye artists, he thus broke the human body down into a torso, members, and parts of members, before then attempting to determine how these parts relate to each other to form a whole. While there are no remaining works by the actual hand of Polykleitos, his principles were so well applied that it is easy to “feel” the presence of his concept of harmony in the many reproductions of his work executed during Roman times.
The Mumuye styles probably developed over a short period, from 1860 to 1960, since the oldest date of purchase for such a statue dates back to 1921, and gifted sculptors were still producing work in 1965. Moreover, their statues do not include works in petrified wood like other traditional styles from eastern Nigeria such as the M’Boye, Jukun, M’Bembe and Oron styles. This short period of production could explain the limited number of great talents, but also the fact that the artist who sculpted the Périnet statue, unlike Polykleitos, was not able to exert a notable influence on the development of these surprising styles.” [Christie’s]
STATUE HEMBA – RÉPUBLIQUE DÉMOCRATIQUE DU CONGO Price realised EUR 1,004,000 Estimate EUR 400,000 – EUR 600,000 [Christie’s]
Lot excerpt [Christie’s]
“Contrary to popular belief, among the hundreds of ethnicities in the Congo, only a few cultures in its southeast region have traditionally crafted ancestor statues. Each one is the portrait of a deceased notable whose name is remembered collectively by the group.
Among the Hemba, such statues were known as singiti (lusingiti in the singular). Carefully kept within special sanctuaries, they are among the miisi, or objects believed to be inhabited by spirits. Each chief of the Hemba lineage possessed several of these statues, and each statue contributed to the genealogical reconstruction of the clan, since it represented a well-identified elder. The ancestors’ favour of the entire living community was required for the correct execution of the ancestor worship rituals, which were supervised by the chiefs of the lineage in the presence of the statues. By bringing structure to the world of the past, the singiti enabled the legitimate wielding of political power in the present and the clan’s possession of a territory.
To craft singiti, sculptors (or ngoongo) most often used the wood of a very special tree, the muvula (chlorophora excelsa), a species planted in front of the clan chief ’s home which was used as a “plant altar” for ancestor worship.
The talent of these artists enabled each chiefdom to develop its own identity. Indeed, the cultural coherency of the Hemba world authorised an artistic liberty comparable to that of Latin Europe, which produced the canonical modes of Catalan, Burgundy, the Rhine, Siena, and so on.The pioneering work of the researchers François Neyt and Louis de Strycker have made it possible to determine a great number of these styles and the territories where they were produced.
The two masterpieces of the Périnet collection are acomplementary illustration of the style diversity of the great range of Hemba statues.
The northerly origins of the lusingiti reside with the Milundwa chiefdom according to certain informants and beyond the Luika River according to others. Its cowrie shell eyes – an exceedingly rare ornament in Hemba country – demonstrate the powerful, ancient character of this septentrional region. Despite the time that has passed since his death, the king’s expression remains proud and stern. His robust body squats solidly on the ground on stocky legs, while the dynamic shapes of his arms bring him an incredible lifelike energy. He will forever remain a strong, solid sovereign, always available to intervene as circumstances require.
The second ancestor figure of the collection shows the softness and refinement of the southern styles. According to Neyt and Strycker, it comes from the village of Mbuli and it indubitably demonstrates the “ringed neck” style of the Honga chiefdom. The monarch is seated on his caryatid stool, a regal symbol that is unusual for the region. His slender body reveals great finesse in the rendering of certain anatomic details. Serene and contemplative, he appears to still be listening for the complaints and prayers of the people over whom he continues to watch from beyond.” [Christie’s]
“‘The anonymity that continues to surround African artistic production is explained by the refusal […] to recognise the quality of certain objects of great artistic value. […] The African sculptor is called upon to reconcile two notions: tradition and creative freedom. Genuine works of art are born of the ideal execution in which iconographic requirements are not viewed as constraints on creativity. […]’.
One can observe the formal similarities shared by the present mask and the one from the former Helena Rubinstein collection sold on 31 May 1930 at Drouot (lot 289) and sold again at Christie’s in Paris on 17 October 2019 for 946 000 € (lot 26). The two masks strongly suggest the existence of the same master artist. The present mask is distinguished by its magnificent headdress split into two braids that cover the top of the mask. This is in contrast to the Rubinstein mask which is decorated with a container on top of the head.
Both of them feature a notable detail: zigzag patterns narrowing at the chin. They also share certain stylistic characteristics: hemispherical eyelids, two rows of square-patterned scarification on the temples, a long, slender nose with delicate nostrils, a pouting, oval mouth and a nearly non-existent chin. The master sculptor was determined to perfectly translate the ideal of feminine beauty.
The refinement of the Baulé mask presented here, undoubtably the work of a master sculptor in his artistic prime, is surpassed only by its harmonious proportions and exquisitely delicate features. With perfect balance and symmetry, the serene expression captured in this mask gives it a sublime, palpable presence.” [Christie’s]
FÉTICHE KOZO KONGO – RÉPUBLIQUE DÉMOCRATIQUE DU CONGO Price realised EUR 800,000 Estimate EUR 200,000 – EUR 300,000 [Christie’s]
Lot excerpt [Christie’s]
“Besides a number of anthropomorphic statues and statuettes, the various groups that constitute the Kongo culture also crafted animal pieces. Among this rather limited sculpted bestiary, dogs have always held a leading role, since they were traditionally considered the intermediaries between the world of the living and that of the dead. Thus certain Kongo legends have it that to join the world of the ancestors, it would be necessary to cross through a strange village populated only by dogs. These pets, able to flush out what man cannot see thanks to their exceptional senses of smell and hearing, quite naturally gained an important role in Kongo art and mythology.
The very essence of the kozo fetish (or nkisi) was to find and strike dangerous individuals capable of reprehensible acts. Foremost among these were bandoki witches. It can be understood that the spirit took on the appearance of a hunting dog able to relentlessly track and capture its prey. While certain kozo examples only have one head, most are very characteristically two-headed, symbolically increasing its vigilance and effectiveness. Many additionally have teeth from dangerous animals inserted into the magic loads that they carry on their backs, again emphasising the ferocious effectiveness of the fetish.
[…] Despite their extreme rarity, several museum collections possess kozo pieces with iconography similar to the one from the Périnet collection. Examples include the Royal Museum for Central Africa in Tervuren, the British Museum of London, the Barbier-Mueller Museum of Geneva, the quai Branly – Jacques Chirac Museum of Paris, and the World Museum of Liverpool.
The kozo of the Périnet collection is covered with a great number of blades and nails from different generations, in wrought iron and trade iron, attesting to its long cultural usage. Its ancient black patina was magnificently protected, and its dorsal reliquary was deconsecrated, probably when the piece was sold by the natives. The stiff, straight legs are stretched out, as if halting, and the mouths, which prickle with impressive fangs, appear to scream out death. Far from the stylistic naivety shown by many of its kind, this piece represents tragedy, and therefore humanity.” [Christie’s]
I came across a beautiful Dogon carving in 2023 and the owner also had two Tussian items (probably purchased in situ) in his collection.
Dogon Horseman
These are 5 items I learned post purchase :
The equestrian carving could possibly be attributed to several other tribes.
The region around the Dogon, Lobi and Bambara locations (shown above) all have similarities with respect to the representation of horsemen.
2. “Mansa Musa of Mali in the 1320s introduced from Egypt not only the use of saddles and stirrups and of larger breeds of horses, but probably also cavalry armour and new tactics of cavalry warfare involving combat at close quarters.” [source]
3. “The Dogon people of Mali are believed to have originated in ancient Egypt, though they have stories of traveling from the Mande kingdom. What is known for sure is that they settled along the sandstone cliffs by the Bandiagara Escarpment probably during the 15th or 16th century.” [source]
4. The carving of Dogon riders are primarily linked to their cosmology and creation myths. One of the Nommos (primordial ancestor spirits of men) resuscitated by the creator god Amma, is said to have descended to earth carried by an ark which was transformed into a horse. In line with this, the highest authority of the Dogon (Hogan) rode his mount during his enthronement procession since per custom he was not to set foot on the ground. [source: “Dogon”, H. Leloup]
5. The Bambara people (also known as the Bamana) distinguished themselves initially for their rejection of Islam. Some sources indicate that the Bambara took on the name themselves, and others state that the translation as “unbeliever” was given to the Bambara by Muslims. [source]
In 2015 I did an interpretive blog post on the Tussian and Siemu representation of the ‘buffalo’ helmet masks (Kablé). The headdress is related to initiation into the powerful Dó association and is central to spiritual and social practices of Tussian culture in Burkina Faso. Each helmet is topped with any of a variety of animals associated with guardian spirits. Here’s a great article and overview of the Tussian helmet mask.
Fast forward to 2023 and I finally pick up (to my relief) my first Tussian helmet mask. It’s been a tough 8 years but the wait and the stress leading up to the auction was worth it.
There were mixed emotions because the piece was presented at a small auction for a couple who were downsizing. The sale didn’t have the full reach that it could have if it had made it to LiveAuctioneers or a major auction house and the description of African tribal art pieces is easier to determine with the use of Google lens (for example). Trust and believe there are really good pieces out there. Just be patient, continue looking and keep doing diligent research!!
The following ten African items (by sales price) as reported by Artkhade :
1. Nigil Mask (Gabon)
“Ngil” mask of the Fang people of Gabon which was auctioned on March 26, 2022 at the Montpellier auction house [source]
The sale of the mask follows an insane twist :
An elderly couple in France has accused an antiques dealer of cheating them out of a seven-figure payout after learning that the African mask they sold him made €4.2 million ($4.4 million) at auction. According toLe Monde, which first reported the news, the unnamed couple has launched a lawsuit against the dealer, asking an appeals court in Nimes to determine what compensation is owed them.
The mask was discovered while the pair cleaned out their property in preparation for a garage sale. The mask, however, was put aside for the local antiques dealer, who agreed to buy it for €150 (about $157) in September 2021. Months later they read in the newspaper that the mask had been sold for millions at an auction house in Montpellier. Per the listing, it was a traditional Fang mask from Gabon used in weddings, funerals, and other rituals. The mask—a rare sight outside of Gabon, with less than a dozen held in museums worldwide—was brought to France by the husband’s grandfather, who was a colonial governor in Africa. [source]
2. Nikisi Statuary (RDC)
STATUE NKISI N’KONDI KONGO RÉPUBLIQUE DÉMOCRATIQUE DU CONGO Price realised EUR 1,962,000 Estimate EUR 1,000,000 – EUR 1,500,000 [Christie’s]
Lot Essay segment [Christie’s]
“Nkisi N’Kondi – hunting spirit. An object of magic and ritual, and due to its size, certainly belonging to the community or even to a lineage or clan, it was intended to be feared. Linked to the nganga, the only one authorized to handle it during consultations, this pairing made it possible to grant wishes, protect and conjure up spells at the request of the consultants. The serendipity of metal objects implanted in the fetish remains a physical and concrete signature of the repeated and prolonged use it had within a Kongo community. The ventral cavity, sealed with a large crusty aggregate, called the magic charge, indicates the importance and strength with which the nganga and the spirit engaged in the earthly world. The fetish becomes omnipotent in this way, as a true transcendent power, in an elusive vital breath that is actually ingrained.”
“Initially associated with the corpus of Dogon statuary, then referred to as proto-Dogon, it can now be linked to the Soninke diaspora which, in successive waves between the 9th and 13th centuries, migrated from the empire of Ghana to the Mandé region and then to the cultural and economic center of Djenné-Jeno6. It finally found refuge around the 13th century in the west of the Bandiagara plateau, thus preceding the Dogon populations who were inspired by their iconography. Based on the work of Dieterlen and Zahan, de Grunne associates the corpus in question more precisely with the Kagoro, a Soninke clan whose oral tradition maintains that they fled the Mandé kingdom because of dynastic quarrels and the growing influence of Islam at the court of the emperor of Mali in the 12th and 13th centuries. Both de Grunne and Leloup have also demonstrated the plastic similarities between Soninke wood carvings and the production of terracotta and metal works from the Inner Niger Delta. These similarities led Leloup to name this corpus Djennenké.” [Christie’s]
“It is not uncommon among the Bamileke for great servants to be elevated to the supreme rank of wambo at the end of their career, which places them almost at the same level as the king. Such a social ascension confers on them the privilege of owning a portrait, which is otherwise reserved only for the king. Produced exceptionally, and after special authorisation from the fon, as a recognition for notable merits, these effigies convey the importance of social status to the highest degree. In this sense, it is not uncommon to see the notable represented with nobilary symbols such as cups or pipes.” [Christie’s]
5. Karan-Wemba Mask (Mossi – Burkina Faso)
MASQUE KARAN-WEMBA MOSSI PROVINCE DU YATENGA, BURKINA FASO Price realised EUR 516,600 Estimate EUR 200,000 – EUR 300,000 [Christie’s]
Lot segment [Christie’s]
“Within the rich repertoire of Mossi masks, the karan-wemba type is among the rarest and most important. Typical of the Yatenga region, these masks stand out for their flamboyant aesthetics, similar to the n’domo masks of the Bamana or the satimbe produced by their Dogon neighbors. Like the latter, they evoke the founding figure of a clan’s woman-ancestor. It is through these masks that we discover the original conceptualization of a feminine ideal, illustrated in both a political and aesthetic dimension. The karan-wemba masks fascinate in particular because of this successful functional and formal synthesis. To paraphrase Leo Frobenius, “it is only when one has succeeded in observing the emergence of the conceptions and customs that have [created] these masks that one can consider that the forms of the latter have become intelligible.” Here, ancestral primacy and plastic abstraction are but two aspects of the same concept.” [Christie’s]
“Ndoma, which could be translated as “double”, is one of the manifestations of the dualism that characterizes this large group (Baule), occupying the centre of the Ivorian hinterland, where nothing is clearly established. Everything is bivalence and uncertainty in a world divided between the order and protection offered by the village and the threat of the encircling bush, the reign of dangerous species and spirits that are often malicious. Since beauty has no gender, one might wonder about the gender of the portrait described in these lines. The presence of a crenelated ornament bordering the cheeks and chin, although it intuitively evokes a beard, should not mislead us: although the dancer who wore this type of mask during joyful mblo celebrations, commemorations or mourning, was a man, we are nonetheless inclined to see in it the image of a woman, as testimonies from various periods encourage us to do, according to which it was mainly to the lady of his thoughts that this homage was intended. In the Akue locality of Kami, the “village of masks” as an observer from the beginning of the 20th century called it, Susan Vogel, in the 1970s, was able to photograph a mask and its model, an elderly village woman who revealed to her the time and conditions in which an artist had immortalized her features. Sculpted in 1913 by Owie Kimoh, this object was also adorned with the same kind of beard-shaped ornament, thus following a stylistic tradition whose oldest known representative enriched Marceau Rivière’s collection for a long time.” [Christie’s]
7. Hemba Statuary (RDC)
HEMBA FIGURE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO Price realised USD 466,200 Estimate USD 300,000 – USD 500,000 [Christie’s]
Lot segment [Christie’s]
“Lusingiti figures commemorate ancestors and carry strong genealogical symbols. These powerful figures are known to reinforce kinship ties as well as to encourage solidarity and harmony amidst individuals. Their carving takes into account a canon of well-established symbols and iconographic details. For instance, the position of the hands resting on the navel refers to the protection and goodwill ancestors extend to all members of a lineage.
While these ancestor figures are for the most part masculine, they bear witness to the fact that the catch-all term Hemba refers to a politically decentralized entity. This decentralization is evident in the various hairdos – a prerogative of the ruling class – which is a compositional element that often reaches a high degree of complexity. Thus, they link a given object with a specific Hemba ancestor. It is possible to reconstruct, through the help of these figures, the corresponding territorial interrelations and lineages. Owning such a figure means that the chief of a given clan is fully entitled to political leadership.
Based on François Neyt’s analysis, lusitigi figures belong to twelve different groups. This daring classification represents a useful ‘grammar’ which helps in understanding the entire body of work. Several common denominators have been identified by Neyt namely the careful carving of the legs, the shape of the face and the finely sculpted geometry of the coiffure as well as the sensuality of the umbilical region.
According to Neyt’s theory, the sculpture of this lot may be classified as belonging to the ‘classical Niembo style’. This style shows a great sense of elegance and it is here expressed by the powerful serenity of the gaze, the intricacy of compositional elements and the geometric beauty of the hairdo. By merging naturalism to the hieratic aspect of the icon, the object emanates with a sense of surreal majesty which is further enhanced by the ‘bust-like’ appearance of the artefact as it has come down to us.
This sculpture is closely related to several pieces described in Neyt, F., La grande statuaire Hemba du Zaïre, Louvain-la-Neuve, 1977, pp. 65-71, fig. I. no. 3, 5, and 6.” [Christie’s]
8. Caryatid Stool (RDC)
SIÈGE À CARIATIDE KIPONA LUBA-HEMBA RÉPUBLIQUE DÉMOCRATIQUE DU CONGO Price realised EUR 441,000 Estimate EUR 500,000 – EUR 700,000
Lot segment [Christie’s]
“The monoxyle wooden seats supported by a figure in the round – most often female – are a recurring motif in African statuary and are among its most original creations. At the beginning of the 20th century, when they were freed from the ethnographic sphere to be also consecrated by the circles of the avant-garde and then by the art market – where “the most mysterious relationships” were established – they became caryatids. This term, borrowed from ancient architecture, anchored these chairs in the anthology of Art History and established them as the new classic.
As soon as African art was “discovered” in 1906, artists began to create variations on the caryatid – inspired by works that were clearly African, not Greco-Roman. Several authors, including Schneckenburger (Welt Kulturen und moderne Kunst, 1972), have in particular compared the caryatids designed by Modigliani with Luba seats. These plastic affinities have also been noted in Lipchitz’s work: “In a widespread type of Luba sculpture, a figure supports a chief’s seat with her arms raised at her sides like those of Lipchitz’s figure, [Mère et Enfants]” (Stott, D., Jacques Lipchitz and Cubism, New York, 1978, p. 109). William Rubin, on the other hand, detects them in Picasso’s caryatid sketches, offering the “same iconic and frontal character, and a similar pattern of symmetrical forearms raised vertically” (Rubin, W., Primitivisme dans l’art du 20e siècle, Paris, 1987, p. 288). In these avant-garde caryatids, the proportions and the stylisation of features reveal above all the architectural intelligence that European artists envied in African art.
Indeed, these caryatid chairs are unique to the history of African art. They visually embody the sacred aspect of power – as anchored in the creative myths of the Dogon, or drawing on the dynastic lines of the kingdoms from the Cameroonian Grassland. In the Southeastern region of the present-day Democratic Republic of the Congo, these metaphors of royal power all stem from the same origin – that of the powerful Luba kingdoms – and from the same essence, placing women at the source of spiritual power and in equal measure within the political system. The opulence of the body ornaments – scarification and hairstyles – identified these female figures as members of prestigious families. “Thus represented, women acquired a symbolic value as “pillars of the state” (Homberger, L., Sièges africains, Paris, 1994, p. 109).” [Christie’s]
9. Kusu Statuary (DRC)
STATUE KUSU RÉPUBLIQUE DÉMOCRATIQUE DU CONGO Price realised EUR 428,400 Estimate EUR 250,000 – EUR 350,000 [Christie’s]
Lot segment [Christie’s]
“When her collection of African art was dispersed in 1977, Charles Ratton appraised this statue as Luba. Ten years later Alain de Monbrison introduced it under the Kusu ethonym. Finally, in 2004, François Neyt, while confirming its attribution to a Kusu artist, brought it into the Songye area of influence. In contrast to the infatuation with autonomous and hermetic styles that has long prevailed in the study of African art, this effigy of an ancestor brilliantly personifies the dynamic of the inter-cultural relations of the south-eastern region of the current Democratic Republic of the Congo. At the intersection of the Luba, Songye and Hemba countries, this dynamic sometimes results in occasional borrowing, such as in the interpretation of a Luba headrest by the Songye Master of Kananga (Pavillon des Sessions, Louvre Museum, inv. no. 73.1986.1.3). Meanwhile, other corpuses reflect more lasting influences, rooted at the very core of a sculptural tradition and part of its history. The essence and individuality of Kusu statuary comes from the complex migratory history of the Kusu people, spread across these three powerful countries, and then from the dispersal of their tribes throughout a vast region between the Songye and Hemba territories, which is between the lower Lomami River and the western bank of the Congo River (Neyt, F., La grande statuaire Hemba du Zaïre, Louvain-la-Neuve, 1977, p. 271). Kusu effigies paying homage to both legendary ancestors and mythical heroes stem from Luba-Hemba cultural identity, and their magical-religious statues stem from Songye beliefs (Felix, M., 100 peoples of Zaïre and their sculpture, Brussels, 1987, p. 66).” [Christie’s]
10. Songye Statuary (RDC)
STATUE SONGYE RÉPUBLIQUE DÉMOCRATIQUE DU CONGO Price realised EUR 390,600 Estimate EUR 400,000 – EUR 600,000 [Christie’s]
Lot segment [Christie’s]
“‘Unique in its genre’ (Neyt, idem, p. 321), simply by the monumentality of its stature and its features, it embodies the aesthetic of the strength expressed by the statuary of the Songye Tempa people. Out of the proliferation of added elements (feathers, animal skins, vegetable fibres, copper leaves) typical of this corpus and visible signs of the ancestral alliance of the sculptor, the blacksmith and the divine priest (nganga), all that remains is a fragment of the horn stuck on the top of the head. What stands out, therefore, is the genius of the master sculptor.
It is in the roundness of the shapes and the austere tension of their curves that the artist has gifted Songye statuary with one of its most powerful interpretations. Highly individual, this effigy is the artistic representation of the metamorphosis of the ancestor into an unshakeable protector of the balance of the community. The necessary mobilisation of protective powers is represented by the classic position: standing, with the hands framing the abdomen, and is accentuated by the effectiveness of the short torso, focusing the eyes on the bevelled hands, whose fingers stretch out to brush against the navel. Echoing the broadness of the shoulders, the powerful scansion provided by bulges in the neck (a reminder of layers of snakeskin necklaces) enunciate the monumental impact of the head. The huge mouth stands out from the head in a lying-down figure of eight. This intensification of one of the archetypal traits of Songye Tempa statuary highlights the imposing simplicity of the oval face, contained by the minute raised, clean single outline of the headdress and ears, and in the strength of the cowrie shell eyes, whose brightness contrasts sharply with the darks shade of the patina. ” [Christie’s]
Inflation (here) is the increase of the price of African Tribal Art over time. The causative drivers are DEMAND outstripping supply and the scarcity of QUALITY items. This is by no means an exhaustive treatise but I’ll demonstrate through a couple of personal experiences.
When Supply outstrips Demand :
Artkhade data – 2018 (showing view of Tribal African Art sales)
“We’re reaching a tipping point,” notes Laurent Dodier. “All collections that were built up from the 1950s-60s onwards are reaching their endpoints. New access is opening up to estates left by these collectors, aged between 75 and 95 years. As a result, a huge number of objects are arriving on the market. Today, supply is higher than demand.” This partially explains the increase in the number of objects on the market. “We’re clearly seeing a shift in generation. Some dealers and collectors are disappearing and new ones are arriving. We’re going through a bit of uncertainty… even if I have no doubt that things will pan out.” [source]
Perhaps the main factor affecting individual price points in African Tribal Art is the Quality. This often refers to craftsmanship, cultural significance, and authenticity (related to the provenance of the object, related to the extent of restoration).
In the realm of African Tribal Art, price increases are influenced by factors like inflation, supply and demand dynamics, and the impact of repatriation efforts. The market’s sensitivity to economic conditions adds another layer to the appreciation of these artifacts. When the stock market hits all time highs the ‘Wealth Effect’ is very apparent at African Tribal Art auctions or sales.
One of the factors affecting DEMAND is the availability of data (Artkhade, LiveAuctioneers) and the ease of use in drilling through past sales. If we take the pool of QUALITY items as somewhat constant then demand should be outstripping supply all other things being equal.
So where does that leave the average aspirational collector? Honestly the answer is out in the cold.
1. In recent years the best buying periods align with economic downturns and the pandemic. In a recession however it’s true that “you can’t give away African Tribal Art for free”. This is why it’s important to maintain relationships with dealers. Baron Rothschild directed to ‘buy when there is blood in the street’ and Warren Buffet took the same route by instructing to ‘be fearful when others are greedy, and greedy when others are fearful.’ These quotes hold true for many asset classes.
2. When you find a quality piece which is defective (maybe a couple cracks, missing pieces) you can strike a deal if you have a good restorer or specialist in mind. Normally restoration is frowned upon however some pieces can and should be preserved if only from a historically cultural perspective.
3. Be financially disciplined!!
Here are examples showing before and after ‘restoration’ composites:
At auction the Bankoni on left was purchased without a stand, which was subsequently designed in the style of the mount shown in the advertisement at right. This does not qualify as a restoration, however it affects the presentation and should move the price point.
The following Okenekene restoration was fairly extensive. Again, a Morton Simpson piece with extensive damage (left wave feature missing, fishing dragon missing and the Umbrella element missing). The restoration is shown in the lower half of the composite.
The Okenekene figure lends itself to the restoration process since several elements are easily replaceable and the piece is not composed of a single carving (eg. the snake, umbrella, chameleon are all detachable).
Collecting African Tribal Art 